The remains of Cherrie Ann Guzman-Coleman arrived in the Philippines from Japan on October 13, 2007.  The body was claimed by her mother, Ms. Myrna Vergara, who could not believe it was her daughter.  She remembers their recent telephone conversation last October 3.  Cherrie Ann was happy talking with her; she said she is going to get her younger sister, Jennifer, to live with her in Japan.  At the same time, she kept hearing the voice of Cherrie Ann’s friend who relayed to her that her daughter died, that she hung herself on October 4 – just a day after their happy conversation.

Cherrie Ann was only 20 years old.  She worked as an overseas performing artist (OPA) in Japan for six months in 2006; where she met her husband, GLENN EDWARD COLEMAN.  Coleman is a US service man of the 733rd Air Mobility Squadron, stationed at Kadena Air Base in Okinawa, Japan.  They were married on May 17, 2007 and after barely five months, Cherrie Ann is dead with tale-tell signs of murder.  A death certificate issued by a certain Capt. James Caruso, Region Armed Forces Medical Examiner, stated Cherrie died on October 4 at the US Naval Hospital in Okinawa; an autopsy was performed but no cause of death was specified.

Ms. Vergara brought Cherrie home in Tarlac, where they viewed the body.  She was battered, bruised and they found a wound at the back of the head.  Ms. Vergara found some documents inside the coffin, which she hid.

Cherrie’s husband, Glenn Edward Coleman came to the Philippines for the internment.  Coleman and his two companions claimed that they had “instructions” to prevent an autopsy and to avoid conversations with Cherrie’s family and friends.  He claims that Cherrie took her own life after a “slight” domestic disagreement.  Cherrie’s friends however, said that the couple often quarreled; and they had seen Cherrie distraught, in tears and bruises after each incident.

Determined to uncover the truth about Cherrie’s questionable death, Ms. Vergara filed a petition with the National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) for an autopsy on October 17.  The request was denied on the grounds that a court order was required.  On October 25, the request for an autopsy and exhumation was filed again, this time with the Philippine Commission on Human Rights.  Ms. Vergara could only pray for justice for her daughter, Cherrie Ann.

In the same vein, Kanlungan Centre Foundation Inc. (KCFI) calls for a thorough, transparent and immediate investigation into the cause and circumstances of Cherrie’s death.  The Commander of US forces in Japan, the Japanese and Philippine governments should act to uphold the law and common decency.  Kanlungan stands firmly and steadfast against any attempts for cover up.  In particular, the Philippine government must fulfill its responsibility to protect and promote the well-being of all its citizens.

A Larger Portrait of Violence

Almost 50,000 US forces and their dependents are stationed in Okinawa’s 42 military installations under Lt. Gen. Bruce Wright, current commander of all US forces in Japan.  Cases of violence against women committed at the US bases are quite alarming.  Okinawan police reported 278 rapes of local women by US military forces from 1945-1950 or more than 50 rapes each year, including the rape of a nine month old baby girl in 1949.  In 1956, a six year old local girl was abducted, raped and murdered by a US military man.  Even after Okinawa came under Japanese rule in 1972, cases of violence remain unabated.  From 1972 to 1995, there were 200 cases of rapes committed by US servicemen.  And the number is probably smaller since sexual crimes are historically underreported.

The 1995 abduction, abuse and brutal gang rape of a 12 year old girl was a tipping point for the people of Okinawa.  The callous remark made by then commander of US forces in the Pacific, Admiral Richard Macke only fanned the rising flames of public opinion into a conflagration.  The admiral said, the rapists were stupid; they could have just paid a prostitute instead of spending money on renting a car used in the abduction.  The public uproar over Macke’s insensitive and insulting remark pressured both President Bill Clinton and US Ambassador Walter Mondale into offering formal apologies to the Japanese government.  The apology failed to satisfy the people, and 85,000 Okinawans launched a rally to protest against the rape and demanded changes in the US_Japan Status of Forces Agreement or SOFA.

The Military Justice System

Local women victims of violence and sexual aggression committed by US servicemen face a long and torturous battle to obtain justice.  This is true in US bases all over the world.

A report from the US Department of Defense (Statistics on Exercise of Criminal Jurisdiction by Foreign Tribunals over US Personnel) showed the following:  first, US military authorities usually ask for, and get, jurisdiction over cases of US military servicemen who commit crimes in the host country.  In 1997, host countries acceded to 86.1% of requests for transfer of cases to the authority of the US military.  Second, aside for requesting waivers of authority, the US military can take steps to ensure that the case falls under its jurisdiction, for example, by declaring that the crime was committed in the course of official duties.  Third, if the host country and the US disagree, negotiations are conducted, which usually end up with the US getting jurisdiction.

If the US exercises jurisdiction, women victims of sexual crimes find themselves at the mercy of the US military court system.  Cathleen Caron, in her article in Human Rights Brief, explains that the women “not only are excluded from any participation in determining the adjudicatory forum, but then are limited to recourse within an unfamiliar US military court system…Military processes…are often unpredictable and do not guarantee disciplinary outcomes.”

First, the status of U.S. military proceedings and the records of accused servicemen are not readily available, making transparency an additional hurdle that victims must overcome to raise a successful claim.

Second, the commanding office has complete discretion when deciding to pursue either a non-judicial punishment or a court-martial when a serviceman under his command is accused of a crime… The amount of discretionary authority left to the accused’s commanding officer, therefore, highlights a judicial system where it is possible that servicemen guilty of serious crimes, such as rape, will receive non-judicial punishments.
Third, U.S. servicemen facing a court-martial for certain crimes committed, including crimes of sexual violence, can request a discharge from the military in lieu of facing the stigma of a conviction. If U.S. military authorities accept the request, the serviceman walks free.”

A US newspaper exposed the workings of the US military justice system in relation to sexual crimes.  It showed that about a third of 169 courts martial in rape cases were special courts martial, which meant they could only hand down a maximum sentence of six months detention. A case of attempted rape only earned a US soldier a discharge and a $150 fine but no jail time. Another attempted rape resulted in a simple verbal reprimand!

Militarism and Gender-based Violence

Violence against women is the most common form of human rights violation in the world. Militarism and war exacerbates this violence. Rape has been used as an instrument of war.  Military culture and training encourages aggression against women. The boys are kept happy and ready for combat by prostitution and pornography.  In fact, an article by Lucinda Marshall showed that before 2000, base commissaries were the biggest purchasers of hard core porn.

Women in the military are not exempt from such aggressive and violent treatment. In the famous Tailhook Scandal 50 military officers were accused of making women run a gauntlet where they were abused in numerous sexual ways. About a third of former US military women experienced rape or attempted rape by their male colleagues.  Domestic abuse is also a thread running through military culture.  Since 1995, 218 military wives have been killed by their spouses.  The military establishment protects domestic batterers, not their battered wives.  Cherrie Ann Guzman-Coleman was probably was one of those battered wives except that in her case, battering may have escalated into murder.

The remains of Cherrie Ann Guzman-Coleman arrived in the Philippines from Japan on October 13, 2007.  The body was claimed by her mother, Ms. Myrna Vergara, who could not believe it was her daughter.  She remembers their recent telephone conversation last October 3.  Cherrie Ann was happy talking with her; she said she is going to get her younger sister, Jennifer, to live with her in Japan.  At the same time, she kept hearing the voice of Cherrie Ann’s friend who relayed to her that her daughter died, that she hung herself on October 4 – just a day after their happy conversation.

Cherrie Ann was only 20 years old.  She worked as an overseas performing artist (OPA) in Japan for six months in 2006; where she met her husband, GLENN EDWARD COLEMAN.  Coleman is a US service man of the 733rd Air Mobility Squadron, stationed at Kadena Air Base in Okinawa, Japan.  They were married on May 17, 2007 and after barely five months, Cherrie Ann is dead with tale-tell signs of murder.  A death certificate issued by a certain Capt. James Caruso, Region Armed Forces Medical Examiner, stated Cherrie died on October 4 at the US Naval Hospital in Okinawa; an autopsy was performed but no cause of death was specified.

Ms. Vergara brought Cherrie home in Tarlac, where they viewed the body.  She was battered, bruised and they found a wound at the back of the head.  Ms. Vergara found some documents inside the coffin, which she hid.

Cherrie’s husband, Glenn Edward Coleman came to the Philippines for the internment.  Coleman and his two companions claimed that they had “instructions” to prevent an autopsy and to avoid conversations with Cherrie’s family and friends.  He claims that Cherrie took her own life after a “slight” domestic disagreement.  Cherrie’s friends however, said that the couple often quarreled; and they had seen Cherrie distraught, in tears and bruises after each incident.

Determined to uncover the truth about Cherrie’s questionable death, Ms. Vergara filed a petition with the National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) for an autopsy on October 17.  The request was denied on the grounds that a court order was required.  On October 25, the request for an autopsy and exhumation was filed again, this time with the Philippine Commission on Human Rights.  Ms. Vergara could only pray for justice for her daughter, Cherrie Ann.

In the same vein, Kanlungan Centre Foundation Inc. (KCFI) calls for a thorough, transparent and immediate investigation into the cause and circumstances of Cherrie’s death.  The Commander of US forces in Japan, the Japanese and Philippine governments should act to uphold the law and common decency.  Kanlungan stands firmly and steadfast against any attempts for cover up.  In particular, the Philippine government must fulfill its responsibility to protect and promote the well-being of all its citizens.

A Larger Portrait of Violence

Almost 50,000 US forces and their dependents are stationed in Okinawa’s 42 military installations under Lt. Gen. Bruce Wright, current commander of all US forces in Japan.  Cases of violence against women committed at the US bases are quite alarming.  Okinawan police reported 278 rapes of local women by US military forces from 1945-1950 or more than 50 rapes each year, including the rape of a nine month old baby girl in 1949.  In 1956, a six year old local girl was abducted, raped and murdered by a US military man.  Even after Okinawa came under Japanese rule in 1972, cases of violence remain unabated.  From 1972 to 1995, there were 200 cases of rapes committed by US servicemen.  And the number is probably smaller since sexual crimes are historically underreported.

The 1995 abduction, abuse and brutal gang rape of a 12 year old girl was a tipping point for the people of Okinawa.  The callous remark made by then commander of US forces in the Pacific, Admiral Richard Macke only fanned the rising flames of public opinion into a conflagration.  The admiral said, the rapists were stupid; they could have just paid a prostitute instead of spending money on renting a car used in the abduction.  The public uproar over Macke’s insensitive and insulting remark pressured both President Bill Clinton and US Ambassador Walter Mondale into offering formal apologies to the Japanese government.  The apology failed to satisfy the people, and 85,000 Okinawans launched a rally to protest against the rape and demanded changes in the US_Japan Status of Forces Agreement or SOFA.

The Military Justice System

Local women victims of violence and sexual aggression committed by US servicemen face a long and torturous battle to obtain justice.  This is true in US bases all over the world.

A report from the US Department of Defense (Statistics on Exercise of Criminal Jurisdiction by Foreign Tribunals over US Personnel) showed the following:  first, US military authorities usually ask for, and get, jurisdiction over cases of US military servicemen who commit crimes in the host country.  In 1997, host countries acceded to 86.1% of requests for transfer of cases to the authority of the US military.  Second, aside for requesting waivers of authority, the US military can take steps to ensure that the case falls under its jurisdiction, for example, by declaring that the crime was committed in the course of official duties.  Third, if the host country and the US disagree, negotiations are conducted, which usually end up with the US getting jurisdiction.

If the US exercises jurisdiction, women victims of sexual crimes find themselves at the mercy of the US military court system.  Cathleen Caron, in her article in Human Rights Brief, explains that the women “not only are excluded from any participation in determining the adjudicatory forum, but then are limited to recourse within an unfamiliar US military court system…Military processes…are often unpredictable and do not guarantee disciplinary outcomes.”

First, the status of U.S. military proceedings and the records of accused servicemen are not readily available, making transparency an additional hurdle that victims must overcome to raise a successful claim.

Second, the commanding office has complete discretion when deciding to pursue either a non-judicial punishment or a court-martial when a serviceman under his command is accused of a crime… The amount of discretionary authority left to the accused’s commanding officer, therefore, highlights a judicial system where it is possible that servicemen guilty of serious crimes, such as rape, will receive non-judicial punishments.
Third, U.S. servicemen facing a court-martial for certain crimes committed, including crimes of sexual violence, can request a discharge from the military in lieu of facing the stigma of a conviction. If U.S. military authorities accept the request, the serviceman walks free.”

A US newspaper exposed the workings of the US military justice system in relation to sexual crimes.  It showed that about a third of 169 courts martial in rape cases were special courts martial, which meant they could only hand down a maximum sentence of six months detention. A case of attempted rape only earned a US soldier a discharge and a $150 fine but no jail time. Another attempted rape resulted in a simple verbal reprimand!

Militarism and Gender-based Violence

Violence against women is the most common form of human rights violation in the world. Militarism and war exacerbates this violence. Rape has been used as an instrument of war.  Military culture and training encourages aggression against women. The boys are kept happy and ready for combat by prostitution and pornography.  In fact, an article by Lucinda Marshall showed that before 2000, base commissaries were the biggest purchasers of hard core porn.

Women in the military are not exempt from such aggressive and violent treatment. In the famous Tailhook Scandal 50 military officers were accused of making women run a gauntlet where they were abused in numerous sexual ways. About a third of former US military women experienced rape or attempted rape by their male colleagues.  Domestic abuse is also a thread running through military culture.  Since 1995, 218 military wives have been killed by their spouses.  The military establishment protects domestic batterers, not their battered wives.  Cherrie Ann Guzman-Coleman was probably was one of those battered wives except that in her case, battering may have escalated into murder.